伊斯蘭與中東事務觀察

大學從未想過有一天可以出國念書，研究所時期也僅是在構想階段，光是英文檢定能不能達低標都是ㄧ個很大的問題。ㄧ直到進入職場後那ㄧ年多的時間，利用週末慢慢加強英文整體能力，離職後專心準備，加上 真主的襄助，才有機會來此地學習。

「政治伊斯蘭」 (Political Islam) 或「伊斯蘭主義」（ Islamism ）在 1980 年代起，開始在媒體或是學術機構廣為使用。然而目前尚未有完整的定義與內涵，不同學者有其不同觀點與描述。最近在寫政治伊斯蘭理論架構，筆者僅將其視為一種分析工具，不帶有特別或主觀立場，分析當今伊斯蘭運動思潮與行為模式。 下列簡要整理出各學者對政治伊斯蘭的定義。  

文中表示真主黨與哈馬斯對敘利亞阿薩德政權有不同的立場。相較之下，哈馬斯選擇較為聰明。哈馬斯政治局（哈馬斯重要決策中心）坐落於大馬士革，長期受到敘利亞政府的保護。 針對近來敘利亞騷動，哈馬斯深知敘利亞政府鎮壓手段是錯誤的，但不與該政府撕破臉， 保持低調，將重心轉向其他遜尼阿拉伯國家。 然而真主黨領導人依舊堅定力挺阿薩德政府，因此Sadiki才會表示真主黨的抵抗是玩假的，與暴政者站在一起，反而影響其過去聲望。 By LARBI SADIKI Published: December 13, 2011 SINCE the mid-1980s, the militant groups Hezbollah and Hamas have tirelessly pursued armed resistance against Israel in the name of liberating Palestine — often with enormous Arab popular support. But when a so-called resistance movement fails to support a bottom-up popular revolt against a tyrant, its leaders expose themselves as hypocrites. That is precisely what is happening to Hezbollah. Faced with the Syrian people’s uprising against President Bashar al-Assad and a democratic tsunami sweeping the Middle East, Hezbollah’s alignment with Mr. Assad is destroying its reputation across the Arab world.

說明：在阿拉伯之春後，政治伊斯蘭論述已經轉變，Ramdan認為有三項因素必須知道，才有助於瞭解當今中東複雜情勢。1.伊斯蘭政黨未來要採用何種經濟模式與統治方式？2.他們對以色列的態度為何？3.如何處理什葉與遜尼間的糾紛？ How are we to understand the situation in the Middle East ? Things are moving so quickly and in so many different, if not contradictory, directions. The reality has always been complex, but interpreting it has become more and more difficult.  The actors involved, the challenges and the interests in conflict are so numerous that one wonders that the result of the popular movements in the region and the political changes currently underway is impossible to foresee. On the one hand, intrinsic domestic dynamics have created a new balance of power, which is having a powerful impact on Egypt, Libya, Yemen and Syria, but also on Tunisia and Morocco. On the other hand foreign countries, such as the United States, Israel, the European countries, China, Russia and even Turkey and Qatar are involved in various ways and in different capacities, either attempting to further the

This documentary is about the plight of the Palestinian journalists, braving the media blackout imposed by the Israeli operation Cast Lead during the winter of 2008/2009. This documentary alerts us of the ever more present dangers that journalists have to endure and serves as yet another reminder of the growing number of newspeople that loose their lives on the job every year.  The director of the film, Samir Abdallah, will introduce the documentary and will be available for your questions. 因為肚子太餓，沒有留下來聽導演的講解。再者這部影片太過寫實，使我不想再陷入其中。 這部片記錄2008年12月至2009年1月，以色列入侵加薩的事件。透過當地加薩記者的記錄與事後的訪談， 可以看到當時加薩的慘況，這在一般國際新聞是絕對看不到。 90分鐘的影片呈現加薩被以色列空軍轟炸後的樣貌，ㄧ堆屍體躺在地上，有些已經不成人形。小孩與老太太被壓倒在瓦礫堆，已經沒有氣息。一個社區被以色列空軍炸了， 彷彿經過大地震般，毫無人跡。 我不知道國際刑事法庭有無對這起事件進行調查，是否應該將發動戰爭的決策者送上刑事法庭公審，還給加薩人民應有的交代。

Arthur Goodman, the Parliamentary and Diplomatic Liaison Officer for JFJFP talking about the organisation and answering questions.  Jews for Justice for Palestinians is a network of Jews who are British or live in Britain, practising and secular, Zionist and not. They oppose Israeli policies that undermine the livelihoods, human, civil and political rights of the Palestinian people. As well as organising to ensure that Jewish opinions critical of Israeli policy are heard in Britain, they extend support to Palestinians trapped in the spiral of violence and repression. They believe that such actions are important in countering antisemitism and the claim that opposition to Israel’s destructive policies is itself antisemitic. They work to build world-wide Jewish opposition to the Israeli Occupation, with like-minded groups around the world and are a founding member of European Jews for a Just Peace, a federation of Jewish groups in ten European countries . Th

By  Professor Shlomo Sand Shlomo Sand studied history at the University of Tel Aviv and at the cole des hautes tudes en sciences sociales, in Paris. He currently teaches contemporary history at the University of Tel Aviv. His books include The Invention of the Jewish People (Verso), The Words and the Land (Semiotext), L’Illusion du politique (La decouvert),  and Le XXe siècle à 'écran (Seuil). 演講者的觀點很有趣，他指出現在猶太人的概念是由猶太復國主義者(Zionists)發明。透過經典研究，他認為猶太人並未真正被驅趕出巴勒斯坦，至於為何世界各地有猶太社群存在，他解釋那是因為在中世紀猶太信仰如伊斯蘭一般，向外傳教，使許多非猶太人改信猶太教。 另外他表示聖經沒有說巴勒斯坦是猶太人的家園，巴勒斯坦是神聖的土地，猶太人不能因此佔據巴勒斯坦。而且大部份的猶太人反對回到巴勒斯坦土地上。 演講者的觀點或許對於一般人來說很激進，或是為了某種目的而寫。他的書The invention of the Jewish People我尚未閱讀，日後根據他的著作進一步分析他的觀點。

阿拉伯之春為中東國家帶來什麼變化？似乎尚未有定論，不過明顯可見伊斯蘭團體在政治領域的興起。這一個多月以來，北非國家如突尼西亞、摩洛哥與埃及舉辦選舉，當地伊斯蘭團體取得多數選票，這在阿拉伯之春前是未曾出現的景象。然而伊斯蘭政黨的崛起，是威脅西方世界與以色列國土安全還是文明衝突的再造？或是表示者接納民主、遵守體制 內 遊戲規則與尊重多元價 值 ？國外媒體已經注意到後者，多位學者們對政治伊斯蘭發展也持樂觀看法。 早期政治伊斯蘭論述，將伊斯蘭組織視為單一僵化團體。西方主流論述通常描繪伊斯蘭團體烏托邦之理念，建立跨國性伊斯蘭合眾國，並以反美與反西方為其主要訴求。這種論述在 911 事件之後更是可見。在全球反恐浪潮下，伊斯蘭團體被認為是製造「恐怖份子」的根源，與蓋達 (Al-Qaeda) 連結，製造全球恐懼。